Oman’s Comfortable Revolution

Photo Myles Dolphin

After spending forty days and forty nights in Oman, I attended a sit-in in front of the Majlis ash-Shura (Consultative Council) in Muscat.

The lack of response from leader Sultan Qaboos hasn’t hindered the steady increase in protesters arriving on the scene.

I expected to share this experience with members of the international media, or at least with some Omani journalists, but neither were to be found on either night.

Their absence would explain the immediate attention I drew upon my arrival. People surrounded me and asked who I worked for and why I was there. The mood was extremely peaceful, almost serene, as over five hundred angry Omanis from all walks of life voiced their concerns over how their beloved country was run.

I first spoke with Basma al-Kiyumi, a lawyer and activist who was adamant about the key demands the Sultan had yet to address.

“We want our corrupt ministers sacked and replaced by members of the Shura, who’ve been elected by the people,” he said. “Many of them have been in power for a long time and have filled their pockets with funds that should have been redistributed amongst the people.”

A constitution is also highly important for Omanis, she added, as it would ensure a separation of powers that do not presently exist. She scoffed at the reshuffling that took place last week, likening it to a game of chess, as ministers swapped positions instead of simply being sacked.

Various people mentioned this to me over both evenings. People absolutely adore the Sultan and recognize his achievements for Oman, but are fed up with the rampant corruption exercised by various ministers.

Basma is part of an ad-hoc committee that was supposed to fly to Salalah today, a city in southern Oman. 20,000 people gathered there last night in an impromptu show of solidarity.

Basma was to be joined by Mohamed al-Harghy, an Omani writer and poet who had once been imprisoned for over a month due to comments made about the Sultan. Their plan is to ensure coordination between the cities, and to gather all of the demands before submitting them to the Sultan at a later date.

Al-Harthy highlighted the fear that reigned in all Omanis until a few weeks ago. “People felt paralyzed, unable to complain about the smallest issues because they would have been taken away and imprisoned,” he said.

When asked if the protests in Tunisia and Egypt had influenced the decision of Omanis to speak up, Al-Harthy replied, “Of course—an older gentleman I spoke to earlier was in tears because he was finally able to share his story in public without fear of reprisals.”

Although the minimum wage was bumped up to 200 Omani rials last week, people told me it wasn’t nearly enough.

“It should be 300 or 400 at least,” explained Nasser, an executive with the National Bank of Oman. “If companies complain that they can’t afford it, the government should step in and subsidize the rest. Our basic fundamentals are not being addressed, and that’s all we’re asking for.”

Clearly, these feelings have resonated within Omanis for quite some time, but strict laws preventing gatherings and freedom of expression have hindered their ability to be heard.

Omani newspapers continue to emphasize the pro-Sultan rallies rather than focusing on the sit-ins, which are anything but anti-Sultan.

Contrary to other Arab revolts, the leader here is adored, the demands are straightforward and reasonable and there is no sectarian split to fuel violence. With the exception of the sporadic clashes in Sohar, demonstrations around Oman have been peaceful and well organized.

A week ago, an Arabic text message was sent to my phone in the middle of the night. It claimed that the riots in Sohar had been incited by “paid foreigners and spies from the United Arab Emirates.” A spy row between these neighbors has severely strained relations, but mediation by Kuwaiti leader Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Sabah seems to have cooled off both parties.

Al-Harthy explained to me that many Omanis living near the UAE border work there, which would explain the high ratio of UAE license plates in Sohar and the reason why Omani Intelligence would try to lay blame on UAE nationals for the violence.

Last night the mood was festive, as several people mentioned how the psychological wall that divided people from government finally collapsed, and citizens were free to express their stories and experiences with each other.

A doctor’s march made its way to the Majlis ash-Shura in the early evening and brought people to their feet upon their arrival. I asked Ahmed al-Mukhaini, an independent researcher for human rights, about the progress that had taken place since last Sunday. “We’re very optimistic about the outcome”, he said with a smile. “The number of people attending the sit-in has consistently increased, and we are seeing real plurality amongst the crowd. There is unison in our demands and requests, and we are moving towards nationalistic reform while shying away from individual needs.”

At the time of writing this article, the Sultan had just established a new anti-corruption task force, and four ministers have been sacked. Clearly, Omani voices are being heard, as proven by the timely decrees issued by the Sultan during the past few weeks.

With steadfast determination, Omani protesters are certainly leading by example. Policemen have virtually disappeared from the streets of Muscat and the ones protecting the Majlis as-Shura are so laid back, they display the envy that comes from not being able to take part in their nation’s historic event.

One certainty remains: the benevolence and generosity that transcends every Omani makes me root for them, and, just like your typical Hollywood story, we hope the good guy emerges victorious in the end.